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Natural Immunity Is an Opportunity Cost of COVID-19 Vaccination

The CDC perpetually relies on Bastiat’s “broken window fallacy” in its vaccine recommendations.

Sep 17, 2024

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Vice President Kamala Harris receives a COVID-19 vaccine on January 26, 2021. (Photo: NIH/Public Domain)

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In economics, the term “opportunity cost” is used to refer to any potential benefits that are lost because of a decision to do one thing instead of another.

For example, if you spend $20 each month for a subscription to the New York Times, that’s twenty bucks you will no longer have available on a monthly recurring basis to instead support independent journalism that debunks the lies and deceptions propagated by the mainstream media. ?

The French economist Frédéric Bastiat provided a famous illustration of the importance of considering opportunity costs in his 1850 essay What is Seen and What is Not Seen, in which he provided the example of a shopkeeper whose window is broken, and who therefore must pay a glazier to fix his window. According to the mainstream economists of Bastiat’s day, that property destruction represented economic growth because “Look! A new job was created!”

Bastiat explained why this conclusion was a non sequitur fallacy: had the shopkeeper’s window not been broken, he could have otherwise spent the money required to fix the window on something else. The job created because of the window destruction does not represent economic growth. Instead, it represents an economic loss because, if the window had never been broken, the shopkeeper would have had both his window and the money that he could have otherwise spent more productively.

If you think the argument Bastiat was countering is ridiculous and has no relevance for today’s world, recognize that it’s the same fallacy inherent to such still-popular myths as that the government’s spending on World War II ended the Great Depression.

In brief, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal didn’t end the depression, it prolonged it and helped make it “Great”. Reducing unemployment by drafting young men to be shipped off to fight and die in a destructive war is no substitute for productive labor in civilian sector jobs. The gross national product (GNP) estimates were practically meaningless given the absence of real market prices due to massive government intervention and shift to a wartime economy. And considering that government spending contributes to GNP, it again matters how money is spent given opportunity costs: diversion of resources toward destructive ends represents economic loss since in the absence of war that money would have otherwise been put to far more productive uses. In sum, the statistics used to support the myth create only an illusion of wartime prosperity, when in fact people’s standard of living was still suffering, and it was the end of the war and return home of soldiers that finally ended the slump and drove a period of true economic growth.

To further illustrate the point, take this response by New York Times columnist and Nobel-prize-winning economist Paul Krugman to the destruction of the Twin Towers of the World Trade Center in New York City on September 11, 2001:

Ghastly as it may seem to say this, the terror attack—like the original day of infamy, which brought an end to the Great Depression—could even do some economic good. . . . If people rush out to buy bottled water and canned goods, that will actually boost the economy.

Paul Krugman’s conclusion that the 9/11 attacks could spur economic growth was fallacious because he was ignoring the fact that those panicked consumers, in the absence of the terrorist attacks, could have otherwise put their money toward more productive ends. He was basically saying that any spending is good for economic growth, but that’s just not true. It matters how the money is spent.

As I have been observing for many years, public vaccine policymakers utilize the exact same logical fallacy when it comes to their ostensible evaluation of the risks versus benefits of the pharmaceutical products known as “vaccines”—and the mRNA COVID‑19 vaccines are certainly no exception to that rule.

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  • Amanda says:

    As long as there’s money to be made for the elites, we will be lied to.

    Thank goodness for your research and our ability to research and educate ourselves.

  • Lisa says:

    I recommend reading The Clash of the Two Americas Volume 2 by Matthew Ehret. FDR’s New Deal was not entirely about harvesting cannon fodder for WWII and production of war materiel. There was a huge investment in US infrastructure projects (schools, libraries, hospitals and many local/regional government infrastructure projects like Hoover Dam, the Tennessee Valley Authority, development of hydroelectric power on the Columbia River, and Woodland Park Zoo (in Seattle – my personal favorite). Ehret is Canadian, and his take on American History considers external influences that FDR had to battle against (like British imperialism) to try to resuscitate the U.S. economy. The New Deal was not designed to support warfare. There are probably more relevant programs than FDR’s New Deal to illustrate opportunity costs.

    • I’m aware the New Deal was a huge infrastructure spending project and did not say that it was intended to support the war effort. My point about the New Deal prolonging and worsening the depression was in addition to my point about the war spending not ending the depression, either. Thanks for the book recommendation. On the Great Depression, I recommend Murray Rothbard’s “America’s Great Depression”, which can be downloaded freely from here:

      https://mises.org/library/book/americas-great-depression

      He covers through 1933, but he also explains how FDR’s “New Deal” was essentially an extension and expansion of the harmful policies Hoover had put in place:

      Mr. Hoover met the challenge of the Great Depression by acting quickly and decisively, indeed almost continuously throughout his term of office, putting into effect “the greatest program of offense and defense” against depression ever attempted in America. Bravely he used every modern economic “tool,” every device of progressive and “enlightened” economics, every facet of government planning, to combat the depression. For the first time, laissez-faire was boldly thrown overboard and every governmental weapon thrown into the breach. America had awakened, and was now ready to use the State to the hilt, unhampered by the supposed shibboleths of laissez-faire. President Hoover was a bold and audacious leader in this awakening. By every “progressive” tenet of our day, he should have ended his term a conquering hero; instead he left America in utter and complete ruin—a ruin unprecedented in length and intensity.

      What was the trouble? Economic theory demonstrates that only governmental inflation can generate a boom-and-bust cycle, and that the depression will be prolonged and aggravated by inflationist and other interventionary measures. In contrast to the myth of laissez-faire, we have shown in this book how government intervention generated the unsound boom of the 1920s, and how Hoover’s new departure aggravated the Great Depression by massive measures of interference. The guilt for the Great Depression must, at long last, be lifted from the shoulders of the free-market economy, and placed where it properly belongs: at the doors of politicians, bureaucrats, and the mass of “enlightened” economists. And in any other depression, past or future, the story will be the same.

      The myth that the New Deal ended the depression is ironically contradicted by the competing myth that spending on WWII ended the depression. If the New Deal had ended it, it wouldn’t have existed to be supposedly ended by war spending!

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